VIDEOS ——— Curchill-Cide —– Churchill Genocide —– British Genocide ——– British Colonial Terrorism in India

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British  Genocide

in

India

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Churchill-Cide

Churchill-Cide

Churchill-Cide

Churchill-Cide

Churchill-Cide

Churchill-Cide

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Churchill  Genocide

in

India

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British  Colonial  Terror

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Churchill  Colonial  Terror

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“Churchill  Lies”    &    “Churchill  Distortion” 

of 

British  Colonial  History

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Racist,  Nazi  &  Fascist

British  Terrorist  Vampire  ( Empire )  in  India

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Churchill-Cide  —–  Churchill  Genocide  —-  British  Genocide

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British  General  Dyre’s  Brutal, 

Churchill-Cide  ( “Churchill  Genocide” )

at

“Amritsar  Garden  Massacre”  in  India

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Churchill-Cide —– Churchill  Genocide  —-  British  Genocide

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General  Dyre’s  Brutal, 

Churchill-Cide  ( “Churchill  Genocide” )

at

” Amritsar  Garden  Massacre”  in  India

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Curchill-Cide —– Curchill  Genocide  —– British  Genocide

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British  General  Dyre’s  Brutal, 

Churchill-Cide  ( “Churchill  Genocide” )

at

“Amritsar  Massacre  Garden”  in  India

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India’s  First  War  of  Independence

against  the

British  Terrorists  &  Churchill  Terrorists

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It  was  fought  by  the  Indian  Hero,  Mangal  Panday

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British Genocide – British Nazis killed 50,000 Children in Canada between 1800 and 1900

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50,000 Dead Children

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50,000 Dead Children

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50,000 Dead Children

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British Genocide

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British Genocide

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British Genocide

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British Genocide

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British Genocide

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Barbaric

British Chemical Experiments

upon

50,000 Children in Canada

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Barbaric

Churchill Chemical Experiments

upon

50,000 Children in Canada

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Churchill Genocide in Canada

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Churchill Genocide in Canada

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Churchill Genocide in Canada

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Churchill Genocide in Canada

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Churchill Genocide in Canada

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British Nazis & Churchill Nazis

killed

50,000 Children

50,000 Children

50,000 Children

in Canada in Chemical Experiments

between 1800 & 1900

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50,000 Dead Children

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50,000 Dead Children

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50,000 Dead Children

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50,000 Dead Children

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50,000 Dead Children

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50,000 Dead Children

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50,000 Dead Children

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50,000 Dead Children

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50,000 Dead Children

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British Genocide – Churchill Genocide – British Queen’s Churchill Genocide of Mohawk Children in Canada

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http://www.ITCCS.org

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http://www.ExoPolitics.com

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Alex Jones’ Channel – 1

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Alex Jones’s Channel – 2

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Nazi Queen Elizabeth of Nazi Britain & her Nazi Father, both killed Millions in the British Colonies

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Nazi Queen Elizabeth of Nazi Britain killed & Buried Mohawk Children in Canada

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British Genocide in Canada

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British Nazi Queen Killed Mohawk Children in Canada

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http://www.sott.net/articles/show/236302-Mass-genocide-of-Mohawk-children-by-UK-Queen-and-Vatican-uncovered-in-Canada

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Alfred Lambremont Webre
Examiner.com
Sat, 8 Oct 2011

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Brantford, ON, Canada – Mass graves of Mohawk children have been uncovered by ground-penetrating radar at the Mohawk Institute, a residential school for Mohawk operated by the Church of England and the Vatican before its closure in 1970.

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According to Rev. Kevin Annett, Secretary of the International Tribunal for Crimes of Church and States (itccs.org), the Mohawk Institute was “set up by the Anglican Church of England in 1832 to imprison and destroy generations of Mohawk children. This very first Indian [First Nations] residential school in Canada lasted until 1970, and, like in most residential schools, more than half of the children imprisoned there never returned. Many of them are buried all around the school.”

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Preliminary scanning by ground penetrating radar adjacent to the now closed main building Mohawk Institute has revealed that “between 15-20 feet of soil” was brought in and put over the mass graves just before the Mohawk Institute closed in 1970 in order to camouflage the mass graves of Mohawk Children and avoid prosecution for genocide and crimes against humanity under the Geneva Conventions, the International Criminal Court, and cooperating national courts.

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International Tribunal for Crimes of Church and States (ITCCS.org) is expected to commence judicial proceedings starting in late October 2011 in Brussels, Belgium and Dublin, Ireland for child genocide crimes against humanity against defendants Elizabeth Windsor, head of state of Canada and head of the Church of England and Pope Joseph Ratzinger, both of whom knowingly participated in the planning and coverup of the child genocide, according to forensic evidence.

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The Tribunal sessions were originally to have been held in London, U.K. However, The U.K. government has denied entrance to the Secretary and major jurists and staff of the International Tribunal for Crimes of Church and States (ITCCS.org) without cause.

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The discovery of the mass graves of Mohawk children, uncovered by ground-penetrating radar at the Mohawk Institute comes on the heels of videotaped evidence by eyewitness William Coombes, who in Oct. 1964 witnessed Elizabeth Windsor, as Head of State of Canada and Head of the Church of England, visit an aboriginal school in Kamloops, British Columbia, choose 10 young aboriginal children, made them kiss her feet, and allegedly took them from the school for a picnic at a lake.

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The 10 aboriginal children were never seen again. Mr. Coombes, who was to give evidence at the International Tribunal for Crimes of Church and States (ITCCS.org) of Elizabeth Windsor’s child genocide, was murdered in Feb. 2011. Fortunately, Mr. Coombes’ testimony was videotaped before his death and is available for the Tribunal.

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Rev. Kevin Annett states that instruments of torture such as a rack for torturing the Mohawk children in ritual torture have been found at the now closed Mohawk Institute. Eyewitnesses from the Mohawk community have stated they witnessed priests in red robes torturing children in ritual torture.

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Rev. Annett made these revelations in an exclusive Oct. 7, 2011 interview with Alfred Lambremont Webre. In the interview, Rev. Annett acknowledges the close parallels between the Oct. 1964 personal child genocide and possible ritual killings of 10 aboriginal children by Elizabeth Windsor, Head of State of Canada and Head of the Church of England, and the child genocides occurring during the same period at the Mohawk Institute.

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These parallels suggest that Elizabeth Windsor, as Head of State and Head of the Church of England was personally aware of, ordered, and participated in this systematic program of genocide and ritual torture and killings at Church of England residential schools operated by the Church of England and the Vatican.

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In his interview, Rev. Annett stated that the mainstream Canadian media, as well as the government of Canada, are maintaining a coverup and media blackout of the discoveries of Mohawk child genocide at the Mohawk Institute.

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Further Reading :

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http://boards.dailymail.co.uk/news-board-moderated/10238000-mass-genocide-mohawk-children-alledged-uk-queen-vatican-kevin-annett-interviewed-alfred-webre.html

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http://forums.digitalspy.co.uk/showthread.php?t=1557522

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http://hfboards.hockeysfuture.com/showthread.php?t=1012783&page=2

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http://itccs.org/

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http://canadianawareness.org/2011/10/mass-genocide-of-mohawk-children-by-uk-queen-and-vatican-uncovered-in-canada/

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Mass Genocide Of Mohawk Children By UK Queen And Vatican Uncovered In Canada

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http://vaticproject.blogspot.com/2011/10/mass-genocide-of-mohawk-children-by-uk.html

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http://www.bobtuskin.com/2011/10/12/mass-genocide-of-mohawk-children-by-uk-queen-and-vatican-uncovered-in-canada/

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http://www.newworldorderreport.com/News/tabid/266/ID/8862/Mass-graves-of-Mohawk-children-uncovered-at-Mohawk-Institute-a-school-operated-by-Church-of-England-the-Vatican.aspx

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This last link shows communications to Theresa May from Bill Annett

http://www.molestedcatholics.com/index.php?id=864

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Churchillcide – Churchill Genocide – Churchill Famine in India and Bangladesh in 1942

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Churchill  Famine

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Churchill  Famine

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Churchill  Famine

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Churchill  Famine

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Churchill  Famine

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Churchill  Famine

in

India & Bangladesh

in 1942

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We demand

Compensation for India

for the

Churchill Famine

of

Nazi Britain

in 1942 in which,

6 — 7  Million  Indians

6 — 7  Million  Indians

6 — 7  Million  Indians

6 — 7  Million  Indians

died of

Churchill Famine

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We Demand

Compensation for Bangladesh

for the

Churchill Famine

of

Nazi Britain

in 1942 in which,

6 — 7  Million  Bangla  People

6 — 7  Million  Bangla  People

6 — 7  Million  Bangla  People

6 — 7  Million  Bangla  People

died of

Churchill Famine

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Churchill’s Secret Wars

The British Empire & the Ravaging of India

during World War – II

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By, Respectable & Honourable 

Madam Madhusree Mukerjee of India

Hardback

368 Pages

Basic Book Publishers

26 Aug, 2010

ISBN : 046 – 500 – 2013

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www.Madhusree.com

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Respectable & Honourable Madam

Madhusree Mukerjee of India

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www.Madhusree.com

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Respectable & Honourable  Madam, Miss Madhusree Mukerjee is an Indian writer, science journalist and a former physicist

Her new book, Churchill’s Secret War: The British Empire and the Ravaging of India during World War II uses meticulous research and new sources to relate how Winston Nazi Churchill and his Terrorist War Cabinet exhaustively used Indian resources to fight the Second World War, provoking famine and insurrection in the Eastern province of Bengal. The book is also a riveting account of the triumphant but tragic final stage of India’s freedom movement

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Churchill-cide

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Churchill-cide

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Churchill-cide

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Churchill-cide

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Churchill-cide

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Churchill’s Genocide

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Churchill’s Genocide

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Churchill’s Genocide

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Churchill’s Genocide

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Churchill’s Genocide

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Churchill Nazi, Winston Churchill is to Blame for Churchill famine in Bangal (Contemporary Bangladesh) in India in 1942, which resulted in the death of around 6 – 7 Million Indians.  All these unfortunate Indians & Bangladeshis fell victims to the Churchill Famine of the Churchill Nazi, for which, Winston Churchill was NEVER prosecuted all his life

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Churchill Nazi, Winston Churchill notoriously remarked that, “Since the Indians breed like Rabits, let some of them die.  They would only reproduce their fellow Dead, within just a few months”

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These heartless & Genocidal minded remarks can only emanate from the mouth of a Committed, Confirmed & a Brutal Nazi, Fascist, Terrorist & War Criminal, which Winston Churchill, undoubtedly was

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Winston Churchill

was

the Biggest

Nazi, Fascist, Terrorist

&

War Criminal

of the 20th Century,

because he

happily, willingly & brutally

happily, willingly & brutally

happily, willingly & brutally

happily, willingly & brutally

happily, willingly & brutally

massacred

&

killed

22  Millions

22  Millions

22  Millions

22  Millions

22  Millions

22  Millions

22  Millions

22  Millions

in the British Colonies

between

1899 & 1965

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Book Review

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Churchill’s Secret Wars

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Churchill Famine in India & Bangladesh

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http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/Winston-Churchill-to-blame-for-Bengal-famine-Book/articleshow/6521955.cms

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Times of India

20 Comments

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NEW DELHI :

British prime minister Winston Churchill deliberately let millions of Indians starve to death, the author of a new book has claimed, alleging he was motivated in part by racial hatred. As many as three million people died in the Bengal famine of 1943 after Japan captured neighbouring Burma a major source of rice imports — and British colonial rulers in India stockpiled food for soldiers and war workers.

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Panic-buying of rice sent prices soaring, and distribution channels were wrecked when officials confiscated or destroyed boats and bullock carts in Bengal to stop them falling into enemy hands if Japan invaded. Rice became scarce and, as worsening hunger spread through villages, Churchill repeatedly refused pleas for emergency food shipments.

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Emaciated masses drifted into Kolkata, where eye-witnesses described men fighting over foul scraps and skeletal mothers dying in the streets as British and middle-class Indians ate large meals. The “man-made” famine has long been one of the darkest chapters of the British Raj, but now Madhusree Mukerjee says she has uncovered evidence that :

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Churchill was directly responsible for the appalling sufferings

Churchill was directly responsible for the appalling sufferings

Churchill was directly responsible for the appalling sufferings

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Her book, “Churchill’s Secret War”, quotes previously unused papers that disprove his claim that no ships could be spared from the war and that show him brushing aside increasingly desperate requests from British officials in India.

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Analysis of World War II cabinet meetings, forgotten ministry records and personal archives show that full grain ships from Australia were passing India on their way to the Mediterranean region, where huge stockpiles were building up. “It wasn’t a question of Churchill being inept: sending relief to Bengal was raised repeatedly and he and his close associates thwarted every effort,” Mukerjee said.

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Churchill  Famine

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Churchill  Famine

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Churchill  Famine

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Churchill  Famine

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Churchill  Famine

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Churchill Famine

in

India & Bangladesh

in 1942,

in which

Winston Churchill

killed

6 – 7 Million

Indians & Bangladeshis

with a 

total

total total

total total total

total total total total

total total total total total

total total total total total total

impunity

We hate Winston Nazi Churchill

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Churchill Nazi, Winston Churchill

Churchill Nazi, Winston Churchill

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Churchill  Famine

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Churchill  Famine

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Churchill  Famine

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Churchill Nazi, Winston Churchill Looted India & Killed 6 – 7 Million Indians during the artificial British Famine, which lasted for around 3 years i.e. 1942 – 1945

Winston Churchill & his Nazi Britain imposed thousands of such British Famines upon the whole world, during their Nazi & Terrorist British Colonial Era

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Wanted

Dead  or  Alive

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Have you seen this Churchill Nazi somewhere ?

If yes,

then report him to the Police

in

India & Bangladesh

immediately, immediately, immediately,

because he is

Wanted – Dead or Alive

Wanted – Dead or Alive

Wanted – Dead or Alive

Wanted – Dead or Alive

for his

Churchill Famine

Churchill Famine

Churchill Famine

Churchill Famine

in both these countries

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Book Review

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Churchill’s Secret Wars

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Churchill Famine in India & Bangladesh, 1942

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The Ugly Briton

By, Shashi Tharoor, Indian MP

Monday — 29-11-2010

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http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,2031992,00.html

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” I  hate  Indians “

” I  hate  Indians “

” I  hate  Indians “

” They  are  Beastly  People

with  a

Beastly  Religion “

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Churchill Nazi said to

Leopold Amery,

Minister for India

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Few statesmen of the 20th century have reputations as outsize as Winston Churchill’s. And yet his assiduously self-promoted image as what the author Harold Evans called “the British Lionheart on the ramparts of civilization” rests primarily on his World War II rhetoric, rather than his actions as the head of a government that ruled the biggest empire the world has ever known. Madhusree Mukerjee’s new book, Churchill’s Secret War, reveals a side of Churchill largely ignored in the West and considerably tarnishes his heroic sheen.

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In 1943, some 3 million brown-skinned subjects of the Raj died in the Bengal famine, one of history’s worst. Mukerjee delves into official documents and oral accounts of survivors to paint a horrifying portrait of how Churchill, as part of the Western war effort, ordered the diversion of food from starving Indians to already well-supplied British soldiers and stockpiles in Britain and elsewhere in Europe, including Greece and Yugoslavia. And he did so with a churlishness that cannot be excused on grounds of policy: Churchill’s only response to a telegram from the government in Delhi about people perishing in the famine was to ask why Gandhi hadn’t died yet. (See the top 10 weird government secrets.)

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British imperialism had long justified itself with the pretense that it was conducted for the benefit of the governed. Churchill’s conduct in the summer and fall of 1943 gave the lie to this myth. “I hate Indians,” he told the Secretary of State for India, Leopold Amery. “They are a beastly people with a beastly religion.” The famine was their own fault, he declared at a war-cabinet meeting, for “breeding like rabbits.”

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As Mukerjee’s accounts demonstrate, some of India’s grain was also exported to Ceylon (now Sri Lanka) to meet needs there, even though the island wasn’t experiencing the same hardship; Australian wheat sailed past Indian cities (where the bodies of those who had died of starvation littered the streets) to depots in the Mediterranean and the Balkans; and offers of American and Canadian food aid were turned down. India was not permitted to use its own sterling reserves, or indeed its own ships, to import food. And because the British government paid inflated prices in the open market to ensure supplies, grain became unaffordable for ordinary Indians. Lord Wavell, appointed Viceroy of India that fateful year, considered the Churchill government’s attitude to India “negligent, hostile and contemptuous.” (See pictures of the Red Cross during the war.)

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Mukerjee’s prose is all the more devastating because she refuses to voice the outrage most readers will feel on reading her exhaustively researched, footnoted facts. The way in which Britain’s wartime financial arrangements and requisitioning of Indian supplies laid the ground for famine; the exchanges between the essentially decent Amery and the bumptious Churchill; the racism of Churchill’s odious aide, paymaster general Lord Cherwell, who denied India famine relief and recommended most of the logistical decisions that were to cost so many lives — all are described in a compelling narrative.

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Churchill said that history would judge him kindly because he intended to write it himself. The self-serving but elegant volumes he authored on the war led the Nobel Committee, unable in all conscience to bestow him an award for peace, to give him, astonishingly, the Nobel Prize for Literature — an unwitting tribute to the fictional qualities inherent in Churchill’s self-justifying embellishments. Mukerjee’s book depicts a truth more awful than any fiction.

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Mr. Tharoor is an Intellectual & Academic and he intensley hates Churchill Nazi (Winston Churchill), the same way as we (All Irish, French, Swiss & Argentinian Moderators of this Blog, Politics-5) do. Mr. Tharoor was the Deputy Secretary General of United Nations in the past and now, he is a Member of Parliament in India.

He is the author of  —– Nehru : The Invention of India  –  and other books

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Book Review

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Churchill’s Secret Wars

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Churchill Famine in India & Bangladesh, 1942

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http://www.independent.co.uk/arts-entertainment/books/reviews/churchills-secret-war-by-madhusree-mukerjee-2068698.html

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By, Prof. Chandak Goopta

History Professor,

Birkbek College

Sep 3, 2010

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C.Sengoopta@BBK.co.uk

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http://www.bbk.ac.uk/history/our-staff/full-time-academic-staff/professor-chandak-sengoopta/professor-chandak-sengoopta

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Ihave not become the King’s First Minister in order to preside over the liquidation of the British Empire,” Winston Churchill famously declared in 1942. That passion for empire did not, however, entail the duty of protecting the lives of the King’s distant subjects, especially Indians, “a beastly people with a beastly religion.” In 1943, as millions were dying of starvation in 1943 in Bengal, the birthplace of the Raj, Churchill not only refused to help but prevented others from doing so, commenting that Indians “bred like rabbits.” The Churchill industry, more interested in Winston Churchill’s dentures than in his Thousands of War Crimes, has managed to keep this appalling story fairly quiet.

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Much has been written on the Bengal famine in India and America, but mostly concentrating on local factors. Madhusree Mukerjee’s Churchill’s Secret War, however, sets the disaster in its imperial context, showing how the story of the famine was interwoven with the history of Gandhi’s “Quit India” movement and the attitudes and priorities of Churchill and his war cabinet. It establishes how Churchill and his associates could easily have stopped the famine with a few shipments of foodgrains but refused, in spite of repeated appeals from two successive Viceroys, Churchill’s own Secretary of State for India and even the President of the United States.

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Famines, never unknown in India, became increasingly lethal during the Raj because of the export of foodgrains and the replacement of food crops with indigo or jute. The Second World War made things worse, especially after Japanese forces occupied Burma in 1942, cutting off Indian rice imports. Then a destructive cyclone hit the Bengal coast just when the crucial winter crop was maturing and the surviving rice was damaged by disease. Officials of the Raj, fearing a Japanese invasion, confiscated everything that might help the invading force – boats, carts, motor vehicles, elephants and, crucially, all the rice available. The Japanese never came but a panicking public – and many crafty businessmen – immediately began to hoard rice and the staple food of the people quickly disappeared from the marketplace.

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Government stocks were released but only to feed the people of Calcutta, especially British businesspeople and their employees, railway and port workers and government staff. Controlled shops were opened for less important Calcuttans and the urban population never suffered too greatly. The rural masses, however, were left to the wolves. This was when Churchill could have made a difference by sending wheat or rice to Bengal, and not enormous quantities. The point was to make hoarding unprofitable and as the Viceroy Lord Linlithgow pointed out, “the mere knowledge of impending imports” would have done so by lowering the price of rice.

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Churchill and his war cabinet, however, decided to reserve available shipping to take food to Italy in case it fell to the Allies. Indian nationalist Subhas Chandra Bose, then fighting with Axis forces, offered to send rice from Burma but British censors did not even allow his offer to be reported. Australia and Canada were eager to send wheat but virtually all merchant ships plying in the Indian Ocean area had been moved to the Atlantic in order to bring food to Britain, which already had a comfortable stockpile.

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So hundreds of thousands perished in the villages of Bengal and, by the middle of 1943, hordes of starving people were flooding into Calcutta, most dying on the streets, often in front of well-stocked shops or restaurants serving lavish meals. The very air of the metropolis, a journalist noted, was pervaded by that “distinctive sourish odour which the victims give off a few hours before the end.”

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In London, Churchill’s beloved advisor, the physicist Frederick Alexander Lindemann (Lord Cherwell), was unmoved. A firm believer in Malthusian population theory, he blamed Indian philoprogenitiveness for the famine – sending more food would worsen the situation by encouraging Indians to breed more. The prime minister was of the same opinion and expressed himself so colourfully that Leo Amery, Secretary of State for India, exploded at him, comparing his attitudes to Hitler’s.

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The Churchill industry has always denied that their idol could have done anything to relieve the Bengal famine. Shipping, they claim, was scarce and it just wasn’t possible to send food to Bengal. Mukerjee nails those “terminological inexactitudes” with precision. There was a shipping glut in summer and autumn 1943, thanks to the US transferring cargo ships to British control. Churchill, Lindemann and their close associates simply did not consider Indian lives worth saving.

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Mukerjee has researched this forgotten holocaust with great care and forensic rigour. Mining an extensive range of sources, she not only sheds light on the imperial shenanigans around the famine, but on a host of related issues, such as the flowering of nationalism in famine-hit districts, Churchill’s fury about the sterling credit that India was piling up in London, or the dreadful situation in the villages even after the famine was technically over. Her calmly phrased but searing account of imperial brutality will shame admirers of the Greatest Briton and horrify just about everybody else.

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Further Reading about

Churchill Famine :

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http://www.amazon.co.uk/Churchills-Secret-War-British-Forgotten/dp/0465002013

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http://www.independent.co.uk/arts-entertainment/books/reviews/churchills-secret-war-by-madhusree-mukerjee-2068698.html  —–  Reviewed by an Indian Historian, Chandak Sengoopta, Professor of History, Birkbeck College, Nazi London, Nazi Britain

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http://reflectionsvvk.blogspot.de/2012/09/book-review-churchills-secret-war.html

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http://smallwarsjournal.com/blog/book-review-churchills-secret-war

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https://www.kirkusreviews.com/book-reviews/madhusree-mukerjee/churchills-secret-war/

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http://bloggingheads.tv/videos/2734  —  VIDEO

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http://www.flipkart.com/churchill-s-secret-war-9380658476/p/itmdf8avpueqkcmx

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VIDEO —— Second British Opium Terrorist War against Merciful and Peaceful China

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British  Genocide

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British  Genocide

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British  Genocide

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Churchill-Cide

Churchill-Cide

Churchill-Cide

Churchill-Cide

Churchill-Cide

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Churchill  Genocide

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Churchill  Genocide

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Churchill  Genocide

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British Genocide in China

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British Genocide in China

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British Genocide in China

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British Genocide in China

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Second  British  Genocidal 

Opium War

in which,  the

Shakespeare  Thieves  ( British Thieves ) 

mercilessly Looted China

with both hands

&

carried out the Brutal

“Churchill-Cide”  ( Churchill Genocide )

of  the

Chinese Men, Women & Children

with  a

total impunity

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Churchill-Cide —– Churchill Genocide —– British Colonial Genocide in China —— First British Opium War

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http://ocw.mit.edu/ans7870/21f/21f.027/opium_wars_01/ow1_essay.pdf

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http://www.amazon.co.uk/The-Opium-War-Dreams-Making/dp/0330457470

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http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/First_Opium_War

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The First Anglo-Chinese War (1839–42), known popularly as the First Opium War[nb 2] or simply the Opium War, was fought between the United Kingdom and the Qing Dynasty of China over their conflicting viewpoints on diplomatic relations, trade, and the administration of justice.[3]

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Chinese officials wished to control the spread of opium, and confiscated supplies of opium from British traders. The British government, although not officially denying China’s right to control imports, objected to this seizure and used its military power to violently enforce redress.[3]

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In 1842, the Treaty of Nanking—the first of what the Chinese later called the unequal treaties—granted an indemnity to Britain, the opening of five treaty ports, and the cession of Hong Kong Island, thereby ending the trade monopoly of the Canton System. The failure of the treaty to satisfy British goals of improved trade and diplomatic relations led to the Second Opium War (1856–60).[4] The war is now considered in China as the beginning of modern Chinese history.[5][6]

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From the inception of the Canton System by the Qing Dynasty in 1756, trade in goods from China was extremely lucrative for European and Chinese merchants alike. However, foreign traders were only permitted to do business through a body of Chinese merchants known as the Thirteen Hongs and were restricted to Canton (Guangzhou). Foreigners could only live in one of the Thirteen Factories, near Shameen Island, Canton and were not allowed to enter, much less live or trade in, any other part of China.

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Following the abortive 1793 British Macartney Embassy aimed at opening up trade with China, the Qing Qianlong Emperor declared: “China is the centre of the world and has everything we could ever need and that all Chinese products were to be bought with Silver.” Hence it became impossible for the British to import the same low-value manufactured consumer products to China as they traded in India, and which the average Chinese person could afford to buy.

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Shakespeare Thieves

Churchill Thieves

British Thieves Looted Tea & Silver from China

There was an ever growing demand for tea in the United Kingdom, while acceptance of only silver in payment by China for tea resulted in large continuous trade deficits.[7] A trade imbalance came into being that was highly unfavourable to Britain. The Sino-British trade was dominated by high-value luxury items such as tea (from China to Britain) and silver (from Britain to China), to the extent that European specie metals became widely used in China.[8]

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Britain had been on the gold standard since the 18th century, so it had to purchase silver from continental Europe and Mexico to supply the Chinese appetite for silver. Attempts by the British (Macartney in 1793), the Dutch (Van Braam in 1794), Russia (Golovkin in 1805) and the British again (Amherst in 1816) to negotiate access to the China market were vetoed by the Emperors, each in turn.[8]

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Barbaric Opium Trade of Nazi Britain

By 1817, the British hit upon counter-trading in a narcotic, Indian opium, as a way to both reduce the trade deficit and finally gain profit from the formerly money-losing Indian Colony. The Qing Administration originally tolerated the importation of opium because it created an indirect tax on Chinese subjects, while allowing the British to double tea exports from China to England which profited the monopoly for tea exports of the Qing imperial treasury and its agents.[9]

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Opium was produced in traditionally cotton-growing regions of India under British East India Company monopoly (Bengal) and in the Princely states (Malwa) outside the company’s control. Both areas had been hard hit by the introduction of factory produced cotton cloth, which used cotton grown in Egypt. The opium was sold on the condition that it be shipped by British traders to China. Opium as a medicinal ingredient was documented in texts as early as the Tang dynasty but its recreational use was limited and there were laws in place against its abuse.

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But opium became prevalent with the mass quantities introduced by the British (motivated, as noted above, by the equalisation of trade). British sales of opium in large amounts began in 1781[verification needed] and between 1821 and 1837 sales increased fivefold. East India Company ships brought their cargoes to islands off the coast, especially Lintin Island, where Chinese traders with fast and well-armed small boats took the goods for inland distribution.[10]

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However, by 1820 the planting of tea in the Indian and African colonies along with accelerated opium consumption reversed the flow of silver, just when the Imperial Treasury needed to finance suppression of rebellions against the Qing. The Qing government attempted to end the opium trade, but its efforts were complicated by local officials (including the Viceroy of Canton), who profited greatly from the bribes and taxes.[10]

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A turning point came in 1834. Free trade reformers in England succeeded in ending the monopoly of the British East India Company, leaving trade in the hands of private entrepreneurs. Americans introduced opium from Turkey, which was of lower quality but cheaper. Competition drove down the price of opium and increased sales.[11]

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In 1839, the Daoguang Emperor appointed Lin Zexu as the governor of Canton with the goal of reducing and eliminating the opium trade. On his arrival, Lin Zexu banned the sale of opium, demanded that all opium be surrendered to the Chinese authorities, and required that all foreign traders sign a ‘no opium trade’ bond the breaking of which was punishable by death. Lin also closed the channel to Canton, effectively holding British traders hostage in Canton.[11]

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The British Superintendent of Trade in China, Charles Elliot, got the British traders to agree to hand over their opium stock with the promise of eventual compensation for their loss from the British government.[11] (This promise, and the inability of the British government to pay it without causing a political storm, was an important cause for the subsequent British offensive).[12]

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Overall 20,000 chests[13] (each holding about 55 kg[14]) were handed over and destroyed beginning 3 June 1839.[15] Following the collection and destruction of the opium, Lin Zexu wrote a “memorial” (折奏/摺奏) [16] to Queen Victoria in an unsuccessful attempt to stop the trade of opium, as it had “poisoned” thousands of Chinese civilians (the memorial never reached the Queen).

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Churchill Terror

British Terror in Kowloon, China — (July 1839)

After the chest seizure in April, the atmosphere grew tense and at the end of June the Chinese coast guard in Kowloon arrested the commodore of the Carnatic, a British clipper.[17] On Sunday, 7 July 1839, a large group of British and American sailors, including crew from the Carnatic, was ashore at Kowloon, a provisioning point, and found a supply of samshu, a rice liquour, in the village of Chien-sha-tsui (Tsim Sha Tsui). In the ensuing riot the sailors vandalised a temple and killed a man named Lin Weixi.[17]

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Because China did not have a jury trial system or evidentiary process (the magistrate was the prosecutor, judge, jury and would-be executioner), the British government and community in China wanted “extraterritoriality“, which meant that British subjects would only be tried by British judges. When the Qing authorities demanded the men be handed over for trial, the British refused. Six sailors were tried by the British authorities in Canton (Guangzhou), but they were immediately released once they reached England.[18]

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Charles Elliot’s authority was in dispute; the British government later claimed that without authority from the Qing government he had no legal right to try anyone, although according to the British Act of Parliament that gave him authority over British merchants and sailors, ‘he was expressly appointed to preside over ‘ Court of Justice, with Criminal and Admiralty Jurisdiction, for the trial of offences committed by His Majesty’s subjects in the said Dominions or on the high seas within one hundred miles of the coast of China'”.[18]

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The Qing authorities also insisted that British merchants not be allowed to trade unless they signed a bond, under penalty of death, promising not to smuggle opium, agreed to follow Chinese laws, and acknowledged Qing legal jurisdiction. Refusing to hand over any suspects or agree to the bonds, Charles Elliot ordered the British community to withdraw from Canton and prohibited trade with the Chinese. Some merchants who did not deal in opium were willing to sign the bond, thereby weakening the British position.

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Nazi British Opium War — 1839 – 1842

In late October the Thomas Coutts arrived in China and sailed to Guangdong. This ship was owned by Quakers who refused to deal in opium, and its captain, Smith, believed Elliot had exceeded his legal authority by banning trade. The captain negotiated with the governor of Canton and hoped that all British ships could unload their goods at Chuenpee, an island near Humen.

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In order to prevent other British ships from following the Thomas Coutts, Elliot ordered a blockade of the Pearl River. Fighting began on 3 November 1839, when a second British ship, the Royal Saxon, attempted to sail to Guangdong. Then the British Royal Navy ships HMS Volage and HMS Hyacinth fired a warning shot at the Royal Saxon.

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The official Qing navy’s report claimed that the navy attempted to protect the British merchant vessel and also reported a great victory for that day. In reality, they were out-classed by the Royal Naval vessels and many Chinese ships were sunk.[citation needed] Elliot reported that they were protecting their 29 ships in Chuenpee between the Qing batteries. Elliot knew that the Chinese would reject any contacts with British and there would be an attack with fire boats. Elliot ordered all ships to leave Chuenpee and head for Tung Lo Wan, 20 miles (30 km) from Macau, but the merchants liked to harbour in Hong Kong.

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In 1840, Elliot asked the Portuguese governor in Macau to let British ships load and unload their goods at Macau and they would pay rents and any duties. The governor refused for fear that the Qing Government would discontinue to supply food and other necessities to Macau. On 14 January 1840, the Qing Emperor asked all foreigners in China to halt material assistance to the British in China. In retaliation, the British Government and British East India Company decided that they would attack Guangdong. The military cost would be paid by the British Government.

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Churchill Nazi & Churchill Terrorist

British Nazi & British Terrorist

Lord Palmerston of Churchill Nazi Britain

Lord Palmerston, the British Foreign Secretary, initiated the Opium War in order to obtain full compensation for the destroyed opium. The war was denounced in Parliament as unjust and iniquitous by young William Ewart Gladstone, who criticised Lord Palmerston’s willingness to protect an infamous contraband traffic. Outrage was expressed by the public and the press in the United States and United Kingdom as it was recognised that British interests may well have been simply supporting the opium trade.

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In June 1840, an expeditionary force of 15 barracks ships, 4 steam-powered gunboats and 25 smaller boats with 4000 marines reached Guangdong from Singapore. The marines were headed by James Bremer. Bremer demanded the Qing Government compensate the British for losses suffered from interrupted trade.[19]

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Following the orders of Lord Palmerston, a British expedition blockaded the Mouth of Pearl River and moved north to take Chusan. Led by Commodore J.J. Gordon Bremer in Wellesley, they captured the empty city after an exchange of gunfire with shore batteries that caused only minor casualties.[19]

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The next year, 1841, the British captured the Bogue forts which guarded the mouth of the Pearl River — the waterway between Hong Kong and Canton, while at the far west in Tibet the start of the Sino-Sikh war added another front to the strained Qing military. By January 1841, British forces commanded the high ground around Canton and defeated the Chinese at Ningbo and at the military post of Dinghai.

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By the middle of 1842, the British had defeated the Chinese at the mouth of their other great riverine trade route, the Yangtze, and were occupying Shanghai. The war finally ended in August 1842, with the signing of China’s first Unequal Treaty, the Treaty of Nanking.

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Churchill Terror

Legacy of British Terror in China

The ease with which the British forces had defeated the numerically superior Chinese armies seriously affected the Qing Dynasty’s prestige. The success of the First Opium War allowed the British to resume the opium trade in China. It also paved the way for opening of the lucrative Chinese market to other commerce and the opening of Chinese society to missionary endeavors.

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Among the most notable figures in the events leading up to military action in the Opium War was the man that Daoguang Emperor assigned to suppress the opium trade;[20] Lin Zexu, known for his superlative service under the Qing Dynasty as “Lin the Clear Sky”.[21]

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Although he had some initial success, with the arrest of 1,700 opium dealers and the destruction of 2.6 million pounds of opium, he was made a scapegoat for the actions leading to British retaliation, and was blamed for ultimately failing to stem the tide of opium import and use in China.[22] Nevertheless, Lin Zexu is popularly viewed as a hero of 19th century China, and his likeness has been immortalised at various locations around the world.[23][24][25][26]

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The First Opium War was the beginning of a long period of weakening of the state and civil revolt in China, and long-term depopulation. In 1842, China’s population was over 400 million, of whom at least 2 million were opium users. By 1881 the country’s population was less than 370 million, of which as many as a third made regular use of opium.[27]

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For Further Study about the Churchill Theft, Churchill Loot, Churchill Plunder & Churchill Terrorism of Nazi Britain in China, Read these :

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Individuals:

Contemporaneous Qing Dynasty wars:

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NOTES  :

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  1. ^ The force comprised 7,069 navy personnel, about 5,000 British troops, and nearly 7,000 Indian troops, making a total of upwards of 19,000 men.[2]
  2. ———————————————————————————————-
  3. ^ “The Crown Colony of Hong Kong was a product of the First Anglo-Chinese War (1839–42), popularly known as the ‘Opium War’. This was, in fact, much more than a war over the opium trade”.[28]
  4. ———————————————————————————————

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REFERENCES  :

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  1. ^ Le Pichon, Alain (2006). China Trade and Empire. Oxford University Press. pp. 36–37. ISBN 0-19-726337-2.
  2. ——————————————————————————————
  3. ^ a b Martin, Robert Montgomery (1847). China: Political, Commercial, and Social; In an Official Report to Her Majesty’s Government. Volume 2. James Madden. pp. 81–82.
  4. ——————————————————————————————
  5. ^ a b Tsang, Steve (2007). A Modern History of Hong Kong. I.B.Tauris. p. 3-13, 29. ISBN 1-84511-419-1.
  6. ——————————————————————————————
  7. ^ Tsang 2004, p. 29
  8. ——————————————————————————————
  9. ^ Stockwell, Foster (2003). Westerners in China: A History of Exploration and Trade, Ancient Times Through the Present. McFarland. p. 74. ISBN 0-7864-1404-9.
  10. ——————————————————————————————
  11. ^ Janin, Hunt (1999). The India-China Opium Trade in the Nineteenth Century. McFarland. p. 207. ISBN 0-7864-0715-8.
  12. ——————————————————————————————
  13. ^ Alain Peyrefitte, The Immobile Empire– The first great collision of East and West — the astonishing history of Britain’s grand, ill-fated expedition to open China to Western Trade, 1792-94 (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1992), p. 520
  14. ——————————————————————————————
  15. ^ a b Peyrefitte 1993, p487-503
  16. ——————————————————————————————
  17. ^ Peyrefitte, 1993 p520
  18. ——————————————————————————————
  19. ^ a b Peter Ward Fay, The Opium War, 1840-1842: Barbarians in the Celestial Empire in the Early Part of the Nineteenth Century and the Way by Which They Forced the Gates Ajar (Chapel Hill, North Carolina:: University of North Carolina Press, 1975).
  20. ——————————————————————————————
  21. ^ a b c “China: The First Opium War”. John Jay College of Criminal Justice, City University of New York. Retrieved 2 December 2010Quoting British Parliamentary Papers, 1840, XXXVI (223), p. 374
  22. ——————————————————————————————
  23. ^ “Foreign Mud: The opium imbroglio at Canton in the 1830s and the Anglo-Chinese War,” by Maurice Collis, W. W. Norton, New York, 1946
  24. ——————————————————————————————
  25. ^ Poon, Leon. “Emergence Of Modern China”. University of Maryland. Retrieved 22 Dec. 2008.
  26. ——————————————————————————————
  27. ^ “Opiates”. University of Missouri. Retrieved 22 Dec. 2008.
  28. ——————————————————————————————
  29. ^ http://news.cultural-china.com/20090604103010.html
  30. ——————————————————————————————
  31. ^ Letter to Queen Victoria, 1839. From Chinese Repository, Vol. 8 (February 1840), pp. 497–503; reprinted in William H. McNeil and Mitsuko Iriye, eds., Modern Asia and Africa, Readings in World History Vol. 9, (New York: Oxford University Press, 1971), pp. 111–118. The text has been modernized by Prof. Jerome S. Arkenberg, Cal. State Fullerton. This text is part of the Internet Modern History Sourcebook.
  32. ——————————————————————————————
  33. ^ a b Fay, Peter Ward (1975). The Opium War 1840-1842. New York: W.W. Norton & Co.. p. 71. ISBN 0-393-00823-1.
  34. ——————————————————————————————
  35. ^ a b Hanes, W. Travis III, PhD and Frank Sanello, ‘The Opium Wars; the Addiction of One Empire and the Corruption of Another’, New York: Barnes & Noble, 2002.
  36. ——————————————————————————————
  37. ^ a b London Gazette: no. 19930. pp. 2990–2991. 15 December 1840.
  38. ——————————————————————————————
  39. ^ Lin Zexu Encyclopædia Britannica
  40. ——————————————————————————————
  41. ^ Opium War
  42. ——————————————————————————————
  43. ^ East Asian Studies
  44. ——————————————————————————————
  45. ^ Monument to the People’s Heroes, Beijing – Lonely Planet Travel Guide
  46. ——————————————————————————————
  47. ^ whoguys
  48. ——————————————————————————————
  49. ^ Lin Zexu Memorial
  50. ——————————————————————————————
  51. ^ Lin Zexu Memorial Museum Ola Macau Travel Guide
  52. ——————————————————————————————
  53. ^ Brockhaus and Efron Encyclopedic Dictionary [1]
  54. ——————————————————————————————
  55. ^ Tsang 2007, p. 3
  56. ——————————————————————————————

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Churchill Terror – Winston Churchill used Dangerous Chemical Gas in Iraq in 1921

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Chemical Churchill

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Churchill Chemical Terrorism in Iraq, 1921

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http://globalresearch.ca/articles/CHU407A.html

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Winston Churchill’s Secret Poison Gas Memo

[stamp] PRIME MINISTER'S PERSONAL MINUTE

[stamp, pen] Serial No. D. 217/4

[Seal of Prime Minister]

10 Downing Street, Whitehall [gothic script]

GENERAL ISMAY FOR C.O.S. COMMITTEE [underlined]

   1. I want you to think very seriously over this question of poison gas. I would not use it unless it could be shown either that (a) it was life or death for us, or (b) that it would shorten the war by a year.

   2. It is absurd to consider morality on this topic when everybody used it in the last war without a word of complaint from the moralists or the Church. On the other hand, in the last war bombing of open cities was regarded as forbidden. Now everybody does it as a matter of course. It is simply a question of fashion changing as she does between long and short skirts for women.

   3. I want a cold-blooded calculation made as to how it would pay us to use poison gas, by which I mean principally mustard. We will want to gain more ground in Normandy so as not to be cooped up in a small area. We could probably deliver 20 tons to their 1 and for the sake of the 1 they would bring their bomber aircraft into the area against our superiority, thus paying a heavy toll.

   4. Why have the Germans not used it? Not certainly out of moral scruples or affection for us. They have not used it because it does not pay them. The greatest temptation ever offered to them was the beaches of Normandy. This they could have drenched with gas greatly to the hindrance of the troops. That they thought about it is certain and that they prepared against our use of gas is also certain. But they only reason they have not used it against us is that they fear the retaliation. What is to their detriment is to our advantage.

   5. Although one sees how unpleasant it is to receive poison gas attacks, from which nearly everyone recovers, it is useless to protest that an equal amount of H. E. will not inflict greater casualties and sufferings on troops and civilians. One really must not be bound within silly conventions of the mind whether they be those that ruled in the last war or those in reverse which rule in this.

   6. If the bombardment of London became a serious nuisance and great rockets with far-reaching and devastating effect fell on many centres of Government and labour, I should be prepared to do [underline] anything [stop underline] that would hit the enemy in a murderous place. I may certainly have to ask you to support me in using poison gas. We could drench the cities of the Ruhr and many other cities in Germany in such a way that most of the population would be requiring constant medical attention. We could stop all work at the flying bomb starting points. I do not see why we should have the disadvantages of being the gentleman while they have all the advantages of being the cad. There are times when this may be so but not now.

   7. I quite agree that it may be several weeks or even months before I shall ask you to drench Germany with poison gas, and if we do it, let us do it one hundred per cent. In the meanwhile, I want the matter studied in cold blood by sensible people and not by that particular set of psalm-singing uniformed defeatists which one runs across now here now there. Pray address yourself to this. It is a big thing and can only be discarded for a big reason. I shall of course have to square Uncle Joe and the President; but you need not bring this into your calculations at the present time. Just try to find out what it is like on its merits.

[signed] Winston Churchill [initials]

6.7.44 [underlined]

Source: photographic copy of original 4 page memo, in Guenther W. Gellermann, “Der Krieg, der nicht stattfand”, Bernard & Graefe Verlag, 1986, pp. 249-251


Winston S. Churchill: departmental minute (Churchill papers: 16/16) 12 May 1919 War Office

I do not understand this squeamishness about the use of gas. We have definitely adopted the position at the Peace Conference of arguing in favour of the retention of gas as a permanent method of warfare. It is sheer affectation to lacerate a man with the poisonous fragment of a bursting shell and to boggle at making his eyes water by means of lachrymatory gas.

I am strongly in favour of using poisoned gas against uncivilised tribes. The moral effect should be so good that the loss of life should be reduced to a minimum. It is not necessary to use only the most deadly gasses: gasses can be used which cause great inconvenience and would spread a lively terror and yet would leave no serious permanent effects on most of those affected.

from Companion Volume 4, Part 1 of the official biography, WINSTON S. CHURCHILL, by Martin Gilbert (London: Heinemann, 1976)


Henry Gonzalez, US Congressman, referred to this in the House of Representatives on March 24, 1992:

“But there again, where is the moral right? The first one to use gas against Arabs was Winston Churchill, the British, in the early 1920’s. They were Iraq Arabs they used them against.” http://www.fas.org/spp/starwars/congress/1992/h920324g.htm

“Moral right” is of course the reason this piece of history has now been dredged up again – by people who see contradictions in the pious arguments of Messrs. Bush, Blair et al. And this seems only fair. In 1998 Clinton denounced opponents to his planned attack on Iraq for “not remembering the past”.

> I remain unconvinced that the UK used chemical weapons > in the middle east in the 1920s…. > but I’m open to correction.

Not easy. And if you’d rather not…

Churchill thought of it as poison gas – and so, apparently did everyone else. The idea of using it was his alone. And he is also is also to have given the authorization to the RAF. He wanted gas to be used in addition to regular bombing: “against recalcitrant Arabs as experiment”. According to Simons, gas was not dispensed in bombs.

The intention was to quell a growing rebellion in remote villages. He met with objections but maintained that “we cannot in any circumstances acquiesce in the non-utilisation of any weapons which are available to procure a speedy termination of the disorder which prevails on the frontier”.

It seems Churchill wanted to cause “disablement”, “discomfort or illness, but not death”.

In any case, to Churchill this was not a moral issue. Here is part of a memo, so you can see it through his eyes. He wrote this during WWII, when he contemplated using poison gas, but never did:


Excerpts below by www.informationwar.org

BACKGROUND: In 1917, following the defeat of the Ottoman Empire, the British occupied Iraq and established a colonial government. The Arab and Kurdish people of Iraq resisted the British occupation, and by 1920 this had developed into a full scale national revolt, which cost the British dearly. As the Iraqi resistance gained strength, the British resorted to increasingly repressive measures, including the use of posion gas.] NB: Because of formatting problems, quotation marks will appear as stars *    All quotes in the excerpt are properly footnoted in the original book, with full references to British archives and papers.  Excerpt from pages 179-181 of Simons, Geoff. *IRAQ: FROM SUMER TO SUDAN*. London: St. Martins Press, 1994:

    Winston Churchill, as colonial secretary, was sensitive to the cost of policing the Empire; and was in consequence keen to exploit the potential of modern technology. This strategy had particular relevance to operations in Iraq. On 19 February, 1920, before the start of the Arab uprising, Churchill (then Secretary for War and Air) wrote to Sir Hugh Trenchard, the pioneer of air warfare. Would it be possible for Trenchard to take control of Iraq? This would entail *the provision of some kind of asphyxiating bombs calculated to cause disablement of some kind but not death…for use in preliminary operations against turbulent tribes.*

    Churchill was in no doubt that gas could be profitably employed against the Kurds and Iraqis (as well as against other peoples in the Empire): *I do not understand this sqeamishness about the use of gas. I am strongly in favour of using poison gas against uncivilised tribes.* Henry Wilson shared Churchills enthusiasm for gas as an instrument of colonial control but the British cabinet was reluctant to sanction the use of a weapon that had caused such misery and revulsion in the First World War. Churchill himself was keen to argue that gas, fired from ground-based guns or dropped from aircraft, would cause *only discomfort or illness, but not death* to dissident tribespeople; but his optimistic view of the effects of gas were mistaken. It was likely that the suggested gas would permanently damage eyesight and *kill children and sickly persons, more especially as the people against whom we intend to use it have no medical knowledge with which to supply antidotes.*

    Churchill remained  unimpressed by such considerations, arguing that the use of gas, a *scientific expedient,* should not be prevented *by the prejudices of those who do not think clearly*. In the event, gas was used against the Iraqi rebels with excellent moral effect* though gas shells were not dropped from aircraft because of practical difficulties […..]

    Today in 1993 there are still Iraqis and Kurds who remember being bombed and machine-gunned by the RAF in the 1920s. A Kurd from the Korak mountains commented, seventy years after the event: *They were bombing here in the Kaniya Khoran…Sometimes they raided three times a day.* Wing Commander Lewis, then of 30 Squadron (RAF), Iraq, recalls how quite often *one would get a signal that a certain Kurdish village would have to be bombed…*, the RAF pilots being ordered to bomb any Kurd who looked hostile. In the same vein, Squadron-Leader Kendal of 30 Squadron recalls that if the tribespeople were doing something they ought not be doing then you shot them.*

    Similarly, Wing-Commander Gale, also of 30 Squadron: *If the Kurds  hadn’t learned by our example to behave themselves in a civilised way then we had to spank their bottoms. This was done by bombs and guns.

    Wing-Commander Sir Arthur Harris (later Bomber Harris, head of wartime  Bomber Command) was happy to emphasise that *The Arab and Kurd now   know what real bombing means in casualties and damage. Within forty-five   minutes a full-size village can be practically wiped out and a third of its inhabitants killed or injured.*  It was an easy matter to bomb and machine-gun the tribespeople, because they had no means of defence or retalitation. Iraq and Kurdistan were also useful laboratories for new weapons; devices specifically developed by the Air Ministry for use against tribal villages. The ministry drew up a list of possible weapons, some of them the forerunners of napalm and air-to-ground missiles:

    Phosphorus bombs, war rockets, metal crowsfeet [to maim livestock] man-killing shrapnel, liquid fire, delay-action bombs. Many of these weapons were first used in Kurdistan.

Excerpt from pages 179-181 of Simons, Geoff. *Iraq: From Sumer to Saddam*.

London: St. Martins Press, 1994.

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Barbaric British use of Chemical Weapons in Iraq —-1921 – 1924

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British Genocide in Iraq

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http://www.againstbombing.org/chemical.htm

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BRITISH USE OF CHEMICAL WEAPONS IN IRAQ

What it used to be like in the old days.  The question of “outlaw weapons” such as poison gas is very much one of time and place.   Meanwhile, new weapons, such as cluster bombs and fuel-air bombs which suck out all oxygen over hundreds of square yards and suffocate every living creature, are unquestioned by us in the West. 

“Bomber” Sir Arthur Harris, the British commander noted below, is now blamed by civilian authorities as the commander responsable for ordering the the phosphorus fire bombing of Dresden.   From 150,000 to 250,000 refugees, mainly women, children and old men fleeing the invading Russian Army, some 80 miles away, were immolated some two months before the end of the Second World War.   These were far more deaths than at Hiroshima (80,000) or Nagasaki. The raids were carried out by British bombers, together with the United States 8th Air Force, first with explosive bombs to break open the roof tops of buildings. and followed with phosphorous bombs to successfully set off a (planned) devastating firestorm.

While the use of poison gas is now “outlawed” by the Geneva convention, the oft repeated accusation that Saddam gassed his own people neglects an important fact.  Halabaja, the town where it took place, was at the time occupied by invading Iranian forces, and, according to MSNBC Internet Home News, hundreds of Iranians and civilians were killed. Now, this theory is under revision, see Jude Wanniski’s criticism .  Judging from all the lies promulgated about Iraq, his study is very revealing.   Article follows:———

“Friends,

In his recent speech, President Clinton, accused those us who opposed his war policy of “not remembering the past.” Well, here is a piece of the past that Messrs. Clinton and Blair would prefer that we forget.  To my knowledge Britain has never apologized, or compensated the victims of these war crimes, and indeed the chief war criminal is still a national hero.

Ali Abunimah

ahabunim@midway.uchicago.edu

reprinted from Intellipage.com http://search.dogpile.com/texis/search?q=%22churchill+in+iraq%22&geo=no&fs=web

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[BACKGROUND: In 1917, following the defeat of the Ottoman Empire, the British occupied Iraq and established a colonial government. The Arab and Kurdish people of Iraq resisted the British occupation, and by 1920 this had developed into a full scale national revolt, which cost the British dearly. As the Iraqi resistance gained strength, the British resorted to increasingly repressive measures, including the use of posion gas.] NB: Because of formatting problems, quotation marks will appear as stars *

    All quotes in the excerpt are properly footnoted in the original book, with full references to British archives and papers.  Excerpt from pages 179-181 of Simons, Geoff. *IRAQ: FROM SUMER TO SUDAN*. London: St. Martins Press, 1994:

    Winston Churchill, as colonial secretary, was sensitive to the cost of policing the Empire; and was in consequence keen to exploit the potential of modern technology. This strategy had particular relevance to operations in Iraq. On 19 February, 1920, before the start of the Arab uprising, Churchill (then Secretary for War and Air) wrote to Sir Hugh Trenchard, the pioneer of air warfare. Would it be possible for Trenchard to take control of Iraq? This would entail *the provision of some kind of asphyxiating bombs calculated to cause disablement of some kind but not death…for use in preliminary operations against turbulent tribes.*

    Churchill was in no doubt that gas could be profitably employed against the Kurds and Iraqis (as well as against other peoples in the Empire): *I do not understand this sqeamishness about the use of gas. I am strongly in favour of using poison gas against uncivilised tribes.* Henry Wilson shared Churchills enthusiasm for gas as an instrument of colonial control but the British cabinet was reluctant to sanction the use of a weapon that had caused such misery and revulsion in the First World War. Churchill himself was keen to argue that gas, fired from ground-based guns or dropped from aircraft, would cause *only discomfort or illness, but not death* to dissident tribespeople; but his optimistic view of the effects of gas were mistaken. It was likely that the suggested gas would permanently damage eyesight and *kill children and sickly persons, more especially as the people against whom we intend to use it have no medical knowledge with which to supply antidotes.*

    Churchill remained  unimpressed by such considerations, arguing that the use of gas, a *scientific expedient,* should not be prevented *by the prejudices of those who do not think clearly*. In the event, gas was used against the Iraqi rebels with excellent moral effect* though gas shells were not dropped from aircraft because of practical difficulties […..]

    Today in 1993 there are still Iraqis and Kurds who remember being bombed and machine-gunned by the RAF in the 1920s. A Kurd from the Korak mountains commented, seventy years after the event: *They were bombing here in the Kaniya Khoran…Sometimes they raided three times a day.* Wing Commander Lewis, then of 30 Squadron (RAF), Iraq, recalls how quite often *one would get a signal that a certain Kurdish village would have to be bombed…*, the RAF pilots being ordered to bomb any Kurd who looked hostile. In the same vein, Squadron-Leader Kendal of 30 Squadron recalls that if the tribespeople were doing something they ought not be doing then you shot them.*

    Similarly, Wing-Commander Gale, also of 30 Squadron: *If the Kurds  hadn’t learned by our example to behave themselves in a civilised way then we had to spank their bottoms. This was done by bombs and guns.

    Wing-Commander Sir Arthur Harris (later Bomber Harris, head of wartime  Bomber Command) was happy to emphasise that *The Arab and Kurd now   know what real bombing means in casualties and damage. Within forty-five   minutes a full-size village can be practically wiped out and a third of its inhabitants killed or injured.*  It was an easy matter to bomb and machine-gun the tribespeople, because they had no means of defence or retalitation. Iraq and Kurdistan were also useful laboratories for new weapons; devices specifically developed by the Air Ministry for use against tribal villages. The ministry drew up a list of possible weapons, some of them the forerunners of napalm and air-to-ground missiles:

    Phosphorus bombs, war rockets, metal crowsfeet [to maim livestock] man-killing shrapnel, liquid fire, delay-action bombs. Many of these weapons were first used in Kurdistan.

Excerpt from pages 179-181 of Simons, Geoff. *Iraq: From Sumer to Saddam*.

London: St. Martins Press, 1994.

Gas, chemicals, bombs: Britain has used them all before in Iraq  a recent study corroborating much of the above by
Jonathan Glancey
Saturday April 19, 2003
The Guardian

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British Terror in Iraq – Gas, Chemicals, Bombs — British Terrorists have used them all in Iraq

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http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2003/apr/19/iraq.arts

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Comment

Our last occupation

Gas, chemicals, bombs: Britain has used them all before in Iraq

No one, least of all the British, should be surprised at the state of anarchy in Iraq. We have been here before. We know the territory, its long and miasmic history, the all-but-impossible diplomatic balance to be struck between the cultures and ambitions of Arabs, Kurds, Shia and Sunni, of Assyrians, Turks, Americans, French, Russians and of our own desire to keep an economic and strategic presence there.Laid waste, a chaotic post-invasion Iraq may now well be policed by old and new imperial masters promising liberty, democracy and unwanted exiled leaders, in return for oil, trade and submission. Only the last of these promises is certain. The peoples of Iraq, even those who have cheered passing troops, have every reason to mistrust foreign invaders. They have been lied to far too often, bombed and slaughtered promiscuously.Iraq is the product of a lying empire. The British carved it duplicitously from ancient history, thwarted Arab hopes, Ottoman loss, the dunes of Mesopotamia and the mountains of Kurdistan at the end of the first world war. Unsurprisingly, anarchy and insurrection were there from the start.The British responded with gas attacks by the army in the south, bombing by the fledgling RAF in both north and south. When Iraqi tribes stood up for themselves, we unleashed the flying dogs of war to “police” them. Terror bombing, night bombing, heavy bombers, delayed action bombs (particularly lethal against children) were all developed during raids on mud, stone and reed villages during Britain’s League of Nations’ mandate. The mandate ended in 1932; the semi-colonial monarchy in 1958. But during the period of direct British rule, Iraq proved a useful testing ground for newly forged weapons of both limited and mass destruction, as well as new techniques for controlling imperial outposts and vassal states.The RAF was first ordered to Iraq to quell Arab and Kurdish and Arab uprisings, to protect recently discovered oil reserves, to guard Jewish settlers in Palestine and to keep Turkey at bay. Some mission, yet it had already proved itself an effective imperial police force in both Afghanistan and Somaliland (today’s Somalia) in 1919-20. British and US forces have been back regularly to bomb these hubs of recalcitrance ever since.

Winston Churchill, secretary of state for war and air, estimated that without the RAF, somewhere between 25,000 British and 80,000 Indian troops would be needed to control Iraq. Reliance on the airforce promised to cut these numbers to just 4,000 and 10,000. Churchill’s confidence was soon repaid.

An uprising of more than 100,000 armed tribesmen against the British occupation swept through Iraq in the summer of 1920. In went the RAF. It flew missions totalling 4,008 hours, dropped 97 tons of bombs and fired 183,861 rounds for the loss of nine men killed, seven wounded and 11 aircraft destroyed behind rebel lines. The rebellion was thwarted, with nearly 9,000 Iraqis killed. Even so, concern was expressed in Westminster: the operation had cost more than the entire British-funded Arab rising against the Ottoman Empire in 1917-18.

The RAF was vindicated as British military expenditure in Iraq fell from £23m in 1921 to less than £4m five years later. This was despite the fact that the number of bombing raids increased after 1923 when Squadron Leader Arthur Harris – the future hammer of Hamburg and Dresden, whose statue stands in Fleet Street in London today – took command of 45 Squadron. Adding bomb-racks to Vickers Vernon troop car riers, Harris more or less invented the heavy bomber as well as night “terror” raids. Harris did not use gas himself – though the RAF had employed mustard gas against Bolshevik troops in 1919, while the army had gassed Iraqi rebels in 1920 “with excellent moral effect”.

Churchill was particularly keen on chemical weapons, suggesting they be used “against recalcitrant Arabs as an experiment”. He dismissed objections as “unreasonable”. “I am strongly in favour of using poisoned gas against uncivilised tribes _ [to] spread a lively terror _” In today’s terms, “the Arab” needed to be shocked and awed. A good gassing might well do the job.

Conventional raids, however, proved to be an effective deterrent. They brought Sheikh Mahmoud, the most persistent of Kurdish rebels, to heel, at little cost. Writing in 1921, Wing Commander J A Chamier suggested that the best way to demoralise local people was to concentrate bombing on the “most inaccessible village of the most prominent tribe which it is desired to punish. All available aircraft must be collected the attack with bombs and machine guns must be relentless and unremitting and carried on continuously by day and night, on houses, inhabitants, crops and cattle.”

“The Arab and Kurd now know”, reported Squadron Leader Harris after several such raids, “what real bombing means within 45 minutes a full-sized village can be practically wiped out, and a third of its inhabitants killed or injured, by four or five machines which offer them no real target, no opportunity for glory as warriors, no effective means of escape.”

In his memoir of the crushing of the 1920 Iraqi uprising, Lieutenant-General Sir Aylmer L Haldane, quotes his own orders for the punishment of any Iraqi found in possession of weapons “with the utmost severity”: “The village where he resides will be destroyed _ pressure will be brought on the inhabitants by cutting off water power the area being cleared of the necessaries of life”. He added the warning: “Burning a village properly takes a long time, an hour or more according to size”.

Punitive British bombing continued throughout the 1920s. An eyewitness account by Saleh ‘Umar al Jabrim describes a raid in February 1923 on a village in southern Iraq, where bedouin were celebrating 12 weddings. After a visit from the RAF, a woman, two boys, a girl and four camels were left dead. There were many wounded. Perhaps to please his British interrogators, Saleh declared: “These casualties are from God and no one is to be blamed.”

One RAF officer, Air Commodore Lionel Charlton, resigned in 1924 when he visited a hospital after such a raid and faced armless and legless civilian victims. Others held less generous views of those under their control. “Woe betide any native [working for the RAF] who was caught in the act of thieving any article of clothing that may be hanging out to dry”, wrote Aircraftsman 2nd class, H Howe, based at RAF Hunaidi, Baghdad. “It was the practice to take the offending native into the squadron gymnasium. Here he would be placed in the boxing ring, used as a punch bag by members of the boxing team, and after he had received severe punishment, and was in a very sorry condition, he would be expelled for good, minus his job.”

At the time of the Arab revolt in Palestine in the late 1930s, Air Commodore Harris, as he then was, declared that “the only thing the Arab understands is the heavy hand, and sooner or later it will have to be applied”. As in 1921, so in 2003.

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jonathan.glancey@guardian.co.uk

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